Let’s Talk about Alexandre Cormier-Denis for a Bit

Warning: This article contains racist, transphobic, and misogynist content.

Please note that the content of this article is subject to change.

(All quotations from books and transcripts translated by Montréal Antifasciste.
The original French-language versions can be found in the French version of this article.)

 

Alexandre Cormier-Denis, “more or less commonly known as ACD, is without a doubt one of the most virulent and prolific far-right propagandists in Québec. Specifically, he spearheads a form of ethnic, white supremacist, “Catholic-secularist,” and Islamophobic nationalism that is fiercely opposed to any form of (non-white) immigration and explicitly rooted in unapologetic racism, sometimes cultural in nature, sometimes biological. He condemns anything remotely progressive, characterizing as radical leftist (or “ultra-leftist” or “cultural Marxist” or “Bolshevist” or “Islamo-leftist,” depending on his mood) all actors in the political and media spheres or civil society who are even slightly to the left of the Coalition Avenir Québec. Oh, yeah, and he categorically denies being part of the far right or that it even exists.

With a handful of acolytes, he has been wreaking havoc for almost ten years now. First within his little political club, Horizon Québec Actuel, founded in 2016, which aimed to promote the ideas of France’s Front National, then as a candidate for the Parti indépendantiste, whose history is notoriously riddled with links to the Québec neo-Nazi movement. Finally, since 2017, he has been the main figure at Nomos-TV, a web television channel dedicated to “re-information” and engaged in a metapolitical struggle to shift Québec society to the (far) right.

Except for one fact sheet published in 2018 on the Montréal Antifasciste website, we have failed to document and comment on Cormier-Denis’s increasing influence, preferring to avoid giving him attention. However, the current context calls for a reassessment of that decision.

What follows is a portrait of Alexandre Cormier-Denis and Nomos-TV. This article aims to dispel any ambiguity about his affiliation with the most far right, in the hope of curbing the alarming trend toward the normalization of the man, his project, and his acolytes that we’ve been seeing for some time now.

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Who is Alexandre Cormier-Denis?

We will not dwell here on the biographical details, as they can easily be found elsewhere. We invite you to read the chronological dossier recently compiled by our comrades at the Observatoire québécois du fascisme blog.

It should be noted that however thing might appear, Cormier-Denis long identified as part of the left. He was, for example, still sufficiently in the left-wing orbit during the 2012 student strike to march with radical groups.

He first became interested in the Arab world in 2010, while studying history, which took him to Egypt during the Arab Spring. It was in this context that he struck up a friendship with Philippe Plamondon, a failed musician from the 1990s glam rock scene.

It was during this period that Cormier-Denis underwent an ideological shift. He and Plamondon founded Horizon Québec Actuel (HQA) in 2016, with Étienne Turgeon-Pelletier. The HQA clique met with Marine Le Pen, the president of the Front National (FN), whose ideas they hoped to promote in Québec.

C’est à cette période que Cormier-Denis opère son retournement idéologique. Plamondon et lui fondent Horizon Québec actuel (HQA) en 2016, avec Étienne Turgeon-Pelletier. Les compères de HQA rencontrent Marine Le Pen, la présidente du Front national, dont ils souhaitent faire rayonner les idées au Québec.

Their proximity to the FN and the toxicity that this affinity still carried at the time led to their expulsion from the Parti Québécois. In 2017, during a by-election in the Gouin riding, Cormier-Denis ran as a candidate for the Parti indépendantiste, a marginal groupuscule infamous for its proven links to neo-Nazis. He used a reworked xenophobic FN election poster for his campaign, which gained him a certain amount of attention but only 81 votes.

Since 2017, he has devoted most of his time to Nomos-TV, a web television channel he co-founded with Philippe Plamondon (more on that below).

Bizarrely, in 2019, Cormier-Denis was invited to participate in a debate on Télé-Québec, where he advocated for a drastic reduction in immigration. His appearance sparked controversy when the comedian Mehdi Bousaidan (rightly) called him a racist on Radio-Canada, forcing the host, Jean-Philippe Wauthier, to publicly apologize for inviting him.

Cormier-Denis again sparked controversy in 2023 when he managed to sneak his way into consultations a National Assembly parliamentary committee was holding on immigration. His brief, entitled “Manifesto for a Responsible Immigration Policy” was posted on the National Assembly website.

Until recently, Alexandre Cormier-Denis and his partner lived in a duplex owned by his in-laws on Garnier Street in the very “woke” Plateau-Mont-Royal neighborhood. Everything indicates that he records his Nomos programs at home and that he has no other paid employment, suggesting that he lives, at least in part, off his partner, who, therefore, serves as a guarantor of and provides material support for his activities.

We know little about ACD’s parents, except that his father’s Facebook interests indicate that he shares Cormier-Denis’s ideological views.

 

Nomos-TV

In this particular context, the term “nomos” is likely a reference to the philosopher and jurist for the Nazi party Carl Schmitt (1888–1985), whose thinking seems to have had a considerable influence on Cormier-Denis. In The Nomos of the Earth (1950), Schmitt defines nomos as “the immediate form of political appropriation of the soil,” which in the Québec context refers to the appropriation of territory (separation) and the establishment of an autonomous legal and political order.

According to its creators themselves, Nomos-TV is part of a metapolitical “re-information” project, i.e., an effort to transform the dominant values within society, through what is also known as “culture war,” with a view to creating conditions conducive to the exercise of power by the ultraconservative ethno-nationalist right, a subset of the far right that those most involved euphemistically refer to as the “national right.”

This term, repeated like a mantra, is borrowed directly from the vocabulary of the Cercle Jeune nation (CJN)[i],

a far-right think tank active in the 1980s and 1990s, whose leaders should be considered intellectual mentors of Cormier-Denis and his metapolitical project. In Cahiers de Jeune Nation no. 2 (July 1992), CJN president François Dumas justified this lexical diversion as follows:

“We prefer to use the terms “right-wing nationalist” and “national right” rather than ‘far right’ to describe the school of thought to which we belong. The latter term is generally used by our opponents to stigmatize and condemn an entire school of thought, which is highly diverse in its various components, by lumping it all together.”

Why belabour the distinction, unless the two terms are, in fact, interchangeable?

In the first video he posted online in 2017, Cormier-Denis presented the Nomos-TV project as follows:

“Are you fed up with the mass media treating you like idiots, preventing you from thinking about current issues such as mass immigration, multiculturalism, economic patriotism, or the anglicization of Montréal? Well, we’re fed up too. That’s why we founded Nomos-TV, Québec’s first nationalist, sovereigntist, and patriotic web TV station. At Nomos-TV, we believe that the left-right divide is completely outdated. In fact, the real political divide is that which pits globalists against patriots.”

From 2017 to 2021, the small team published hundreds of videos with national-populist and ethno-nationalist content, where inflammatory rhetoric about the “great replacement,” “political Islam,” and the “the flood of migrants into Québec” was readily apparent. From the outset, the channel featured Cormier-Denis, who appears alone commenting on political developments, and Philippe Plamondon and Sébastien de Crèvecœur, who host the series “Culture & Société.” (Sébastien de Crèvecoeur, himself a French emigrant, has admitted to being partial to Anders Breivik’s “solution.” Breivik is a neo-Nazi who killed seventy-seven people in Norway in 2011.) These two crank out tedious commentary on any subject that can serve as a pretext for badmouthing immigrants, Muslims, and the left.

Over time, Cormier-Denis has refined his style, which has crystallized into a man in a suit who speaks loudly in a peremptory tone, flaunts his cultural depth, mocks minorities and the left, and punctuates his tirades with furious grunts, forced bursts of laughter, and spectacular flights of fancy meant to make the audience snicker. Eight years in, this is the established formula.

>>> Click here to view a selection of clips from a recent broadcast

For a short time in 2017, Nomos-TV partnered with Richard Le Hir, the former Parti Québécois member of parliament for Iberville, who produced a few short videos and joined Cormier-Denis on the web TV channel RadioInfoCite.com, a precursor of sorts to Nomos.

Cormier-Denis has occasionally welcomed guests onto his channel, including a young person close to Front canadien-français and Raphaël Lévesque, the leader of the neo-fascist groupuscule Atalante Québec, in the latter case on the day following Lévesque’s acquittal in a case related to the brouhaha at the Vice office in Montréal.

In October 2021, following a complaint lodged by the Canadian Anti-Hate Network, Nomos-TV was banned from YouTube. This was a serious blow, but the Nomos-TV back catalogue is archived on the libertarian platform Odysee, which acts as a refuge for “deplatformed” conspiracy theorists and far right projects. The channel reappeared shortly thereafter as a pay-per-view service on the Nomos-TV website.

Cormier-Denis has become something of a sensation in France following a viral clip in which he attacks French expatriates living in Québec, mocking their “disgusting accent.” His growing popularity in France has ironically led him to adopt a “disgusting” accent himself. ACD has made himself into a meme.

Cormier-Denis is so well known within the French far-right sphere that he is addressed at length in the book by the investigative journalists Pierre Plottu and Maxime Macé, Pop Fascisme: comment l’extrême droite a gagné la bataille culturelle sur Internet (Éditions Divergences, 2025).

“Given that the French far-right audience is quite chauvinist, it is rare for non-French figures to emerge within the radical French-speaking sphere. . . . However, one figure has managed to establish himself within the French far-right sphere: Alexandre Cormier-Denis. . . . “ACD” is . . . from Québec and, therefore, speaks French, which has greatly facilitated the dissemination of his videos to the French public. . .

“Being charismatic, he has managed to attract a French audience, even though most of his content concerns Québec and Canadian politics. It was an excerpt from a video in which he talks about the French in Québec that caught the attention of the French public. In it, he lambasts the “dirty leftists who are experiencing the great replacement in France and come to live Justin Trudeau’s dream” . . . and who, according to him, have the audacity to sometimes speak English to their children. . . . Above all, he delighted and amused a whole section of the far-right blogosphere, which seized on the expression “dirty leftist,” deliberately pronounced with an exaggerated and gimmicky Québécois accent. Nothing but another meme.

“Since then, the French public has been increasingly interested in the content produced by Alexandre Cormier-Denis, a self-proclaimed white supremacist. This was particularly due to his cheeky humor and use of explicitly racist words, such as “n*****” and “métèques” in his videos. . . . Admittedly, his outbursts of rage against progressivism and multiculturalism caught the attention of a large number of French people. In 2020 and 2021, the French far right even adopted several expressions from Cormier-Denis’s broadcasts. For example, “zoum zoum zoum,” a phrase referring to the remigration of non-white foreigners (and their descendants), or referring to Éric Zemmour as the “magic Sephardic Jew.” (pp. 60-61)

In recent years, Cormier-Denis has increased his collaboration with far-right French figures, including a series of exchanges with the white supremacist Daniel Conversano and another far-right propagandist Nicolas Faure (twenty-three broadcasts to date). For several months now, he has been writing a regular column, “Vendredis Cormier-Denis,” for the far-right French periodical Frontières (ten columns to date; for more information about Frontières, see the feature prepared by comrades at Blast‘s Rhinocéros channel).

A Telegram account created in May 2020 now has more than 4,000 subscribers, a significant proportion of whom are French fanboys who are regular users of identititarian and fascist networks of all kinds. There is also a private Telegram channel reserved for subscribers. To date, Nomos has 8,672 followers on X/Twitter, while Cormier-Denis’s personal account has more than 46,000.

Since May 2022, Nomos has been organizing a live fête nationale [formerly St. Jean Baptiste Day] webcast entitled “Saint-Jean de la Race” (in reference to the French Canadian “race,” in the style of Lionel-Groulx). These private parties, held in Montréal (in 2023 and 2024) at the Lux Media studios, and in Québec City (in 2022 and 2025) at Bar le Duck, only attract a few dozen followers, but include members of Atalante Québec, the Parti nationaliste chrétien, and White Lives Matter/Frontenac Active Club, whose mascot is the neo-Nazi Shawn Beauvais-MacDonald.

The folks at Nomos-TV, seeking to diversify their revenue stream, sell merchandise at their online store, which, our investigation shows is hosted by Aleck Loiselle’s company Loiselle.solutions. They have been distributing T-shirts bearing the web TV’s colours for a long time, but more recently they have enlisted the services of a tattoo artist from the Chaudière-Appalaches region, Adrienne Bernard (aka “Adrie MissMartre” on Facebook),[ii] who runs a screen printing business, Impressive impression sur demande.

Alongside Duplessis T-shirts and socks bearing the image of Lionel Groulx (not particularly respectful of the canon, is it?), we now find designs featuring the founder of the Front National, Jean-Marie Le Pen and “Alligator Alcatraz,” the illegal detention complex for undocumented migrants built in Florida by the Trump administration in July 2025. It is, therefore, a bit eyebrow-raising to hear Philippe Plamondon vociferously denounce the left’s “political violence,” only to promote in the next sentence a T-shirt mocking the possible massacre of migrants in the Florida swamps.

 

What exactly is it that ACD is promoting?

Ideologically, Cormier-Denis adheres to an ultra-conservative identitarian/ethnic nationalism. He is highly critical of both the civic nationalism that has characterized the national liberation movement since the Quiet Revolution and the merger of the conservative and progressive wings of the independence movement within the Parti Québécois in the late 1960s.

The main focus of his ideological program is the separation of Québec, which he believes is the only guarantee of the survival of the French-Canadian “race.” He rejects not only so-called “illegal” immigration but also regular immigration, which he describes as “mass” immigration and a conspiracy by Canadian federalism to “flood” Québec and wipe out the white, French-speaking, Catholic majority of European descent. Thus, he subscribes to the “great replacement” theory and other contemporary variations on the “white genocide” theme.

His nationalism is isolationist, clearly hostile to traditional social democracy as advocated, for example, by parties like Québec Solidaire, which he unhesitatingly equates with the radical left. He also welcomes the shift towards identitarian politics reflected in the “autonomist” option embodied by the Coalition Avenir Québec (CAQ) and the Parti Québécois (PQ) under the leadership of Paul Saint-Pierre Plamondon.

He also regularly engages in male supremacy, transphobia, and cultural (Islamophobic) and biological (e.g., anti-Black) racism.

Despite the overwhelming evidence to the contrary, Cormier-Denis denies being on the far right. Like Mathieu Bock-Côté, he even denies the existence of the far right, preferring to describe his camp as the “national right.” This insistent denial is rather curious: it is both an implicit admission of the toxicity of the far right and a kind of repudiation of his own camp. It’s safe to presume that this is a purely strategic choice, a semantic sleight of hand designed to detoxify the image of the far right. No one is fooled by the ploy, however, as evidenced by the numerous pseudonyms and dubious statements of the “nomosians.”

In 2024, Éditions Avant-Garde[iii], published Cormier-Denis’s book Écrits nationalistes: Recueils de textes (2016–2023). As its title suggests, this work presents blog posts and transcripts of interviews given to various media outlets over the years.

We sucked it up and read his book so you wouldn’t have to.

Making everything clear from the outset, he secured a foreword by none other than Renaud Camus, the father of the “great replacement” theory (the title of his 2011 book). This far-right dandy, who lives in an old castle in France, wields considerable influence among identitarians, even influencing the Islamophobic terrorist who massacred more than fifty people at two mosques on Christchurch, New Zealand, in 2019, whose manifesto was titled The Great Replacement.

In the foreword, Renaud Camus emphasizes that he “greatly admires” the “bravery,” “determination,” and “talent” of his Québec counterpart. He also expresses his “affection for Québec”—“we are of the same race,” he says—and recalls that his expression “the great replacement” was inspired by the “Great Upheaval” organized by the English in Acadia in the eighteenth century. In his foreword, Renaud Camus strings together statements that are as horrible as they are ridiculous: “the colonization of France today is a hundred times worse than any colonization it ever engaged in”; it is undergoing a “genocide by substitution”; “Zionism” is “resistance” to “replacementism,” etc. Like many identitarians, he defends the thesis that there is such a thing as “good racism”—each people or nation should remain in its place, on the land where its people originated, and there should be no migration. He, therefore, defends “remigration,” or the mass deportation of migrant populations to their countries of origin. Finally, he proudly declares himself “anti-colonial,” even reproaching Cormier-Denis for denying past anti-colonial nationalism.

Cormier-Denis’s book opens with a text published on the Horizon Québec Actuel website in 2016, “Le renouveau national : pour en finir avec le tiers-mondisme,” in which he openly rejects the legacy of Québec’s 1960s “neo-nationalism,” which was left-wing and even sometimes anti-capitalist, identifying with anti-colonial movements in Algeria, Cuba, and Vietnam, or with Black Power (see “Speak White,” by Michèle Lalonde, or the famous book by Pierre Vallières, which Cormier-Denis critiques in his book, because, according to him, it is an insult to call the Québécois n****): “No, we are not Algerians, African Americans, or Vietnamese,” he says. (p. 28).

En effet, le livre d’ACD s’ouvre par un texte paru sur le site d’Horizon Québec Actuel en 2016, « Le renouveau national : pour en finir avec le tiers-mondisme », dans lequel il rejette ouvertement l’héritage du « néonationalisme » québécois des années 1960, d’ailleurs de gauche et même parfois anticapitaliste, s’identifiant aux mouvements anticoloniaux en Algérie, à Cuba et au Vietnam, ou au Black Power (voir « Speak White », de Michèle Lalonde, ou le fameux livre de Pierre Vallières, qu’ACD critique pour son titre, car c’est selon lui un affront de qualifier les Québécois de n****) : « Non, nous ne sommes pas des Algériens, des Afro-Américains ou des Vietnamiens », déclare ainsi ACD [p. 28].

His book is divided into four parts: “Nationalism and National Identity”; “Immigration and Demographics”; “The Totalitarian Left and Cultural Revolution”; “Geopolitics and International Affairs.” Cormier-Denis revels in a standardized vocabulary that he regurgitates in catch phrases, e.g., during his broadcasts: “patriots do not want a utopia born from the sick minds of queer and postmodern theorists fed on university grants” (p. 25); “wokism” is a “neo-Puritan movement that aims to make its white followers feel guilty about their so-called privileges; this new secularized religion is fully in line with the multiculturalist ideology at the heart of Canadian identity doctrine.” (p. 99) He denounces the “cohort of far-left whiners—fed on the Canadian state’s multiculturalism,” a Québec “intoxicated by cultural Marxism” (p. 28), and rails against the “industry of repentance. White repentance,” declaring that we must accept that there were slaves in New France, while minimizing the extent of the phenomenon. (p. 29)

He attacks even more fiercely those he calls “anti-Québec,” an expression modeled on the “anti-France” concept, which in the eyes of the French far right once included Freemasons, Jews, and communists. . . For ACD, the anti-Québec label applies above all to the objective alliance between the Québec Liberal Party and Québec Solidaire. He also attacks the Parti Québécois and the Bloc Québécois for their “civic patriotism” and their attempts—albeit very timid ones—to win over migrant populations. He claims that French Canadians in Québec will become a minority in 2035, hence his use of expressions such as “flood of migrants,” “drowning in migrants” (pp. 82, 97) and “great replacement” (pp. 40, 68, 80, 85). He challenges his fellow sovereigntists who are only interested in the French language, because, for him, speaking French is not all it takes to be a French Canadian. Immigration, even French-speaking immigration, is a serious problem, and we must forthrightly defend “Catholic secularism” (“Québec Catholic secularism: not the removal of the crucifix or of the Islamic veil,” Vigile, September 2018), rather than adopting “French republican secularism,” an ‘emasculated’ principle” (p. 47) that is “totally foreign to Québec’s political history.” (p. 43) His position on Jews is not straightforward, since someone as cultured as he clearly is understands full well the antisemitic connotation of the expression “cosmopolitan Jewish elites.” (p. 153) However, he claims that Ashkenazi Jews are more intelligent than the global average and, as early as October 11, 2023, has advocated “relocating” the entire Palestinian population as a solution to the “Israeli-Palestinian conflict.” (pp. 155–56)

Cormier-Denis strongly opposes a third referendum as an approach to achieving Québec’s independence, believing that the YES camp is likely to lose and worrying that, in any case, the Canadian federal government would refuse to recognize victory were that to occur. Instead, he advocates a “stealthy step-by-step approach” through the adoption of a constitution, the strengthening of Catholic secularism, the defense of the French language, and greater investment in specialized training and robotization (???), in order to “chip away” at Ottawa’s powers, thereby making Québec basically sovereign in practice. He even takes Canada, which gradually emancipated itself from the yoke of the British Empire, as a model, becoming increasingly sovereign, until all that remained of the empire was the symbol of the crown.

In his text “Les souverainistes et les armes à feu” (Vigile, 2020), he echoes the logic of gun right’s advocates in the United States, who believe that guns would allow anyone to shoot down terrorists and calls “for the formation of a patriotic militia that would become a national guard whose mission would be to replace the Canadian Armed Forces on Québec soil.” (p. 48) His admiration for armed militias does not prevent him from denouncing the alleged violence of “anarcho-Bolshevik militias” (p. 71) and “the violent and murderous Black Lives Matter movement.” (p. 73)

Beyond weapons, he practices “cultural warfare,” which he explicitly admits when he explains that Québec is “very left-wing” on social issues, including feminism and homosexuality, and that “the national right must, therefore, wage total cultural warfare.” It is in this spirit that Cormier-Denis says he launched Nomos-TV. (p. 97) He acknowledges victories in this “culture war” when he states, for example, that “the infamous accusation of ‘wokism’ used to discredit the far left is a semantic [discourse] victory for the right.” (p. 128)

In short, when reading his book, it is easy to see on what foundation Cormier-Denis would like to build a nation-state for the French-Canadian “race,” and it appears that many of us would be de facto excluded from it.

 

A few examples rrom a single recent Cormier-Denis episode

Cormier-Denis is far from being an idiot, and he clearly has considerable general knowledge, but his intellectual horizons remain extremely limited. His program can be summed up in the small handful of key ideas outlined above, which he repeats ad nauseam from every possible angle, regardless of the subject he is addressing. He has posted hundreds of shows online over the years, but not only is the body of work as a whole excessively repetitive, with current events systematically examined through the lens of his identitarian obsessions, each show is also mind-numbingly boring. The mode of operation consists of reiterating two or three key ideas for an hour or two and taking questions from loyal followers with racist nicknames whom Plamondon chooses from the chatroom.

With two or three shows per week hosted by Cormier-Denis, in addition to those co-hosted by Plamondon and de Crèvecœur, Nomos-TV manages to produce between five and ten hours of content each week, endlessly treading the same path.

This is obviously such a monstrous amount of bullshit that it would be impossible for ordinary mortals to be exposed to it without completely losing their minds. And if you think Cormier-Denis’s programs are mind-numbing, they’re nothing compared to the breathtaking stupidity of the Plamondon and Crèvecœur productions. These two are the real Ding and Dong of Québec’s far right, only more idiotic and much less funny. Their shows, which regularly exceed 150 minutes, are an endless jumble of vapid “analysis,” conspiracy theory fantasies, and reactionary rants delivered as gospel truth. We’ll spare you.

For our current purposes, we will limit ourselves to excerpts from a single Cormier-Denis program, broadcast on September 11, 2025, the day after Charlie Kirk’s assassination. Keep in mind that this is just one program among hundreds of similar programs broadcast between 2016 and today. To give an idea of the obsessive and repetitive nature of their production, we will list below a selection of Nomos-TC program titles.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

A selection of titles

In recent weeks

• Assassination of Charlie Kirk: Should the right wing become more radical?
• Assassination of Charlie Kirk: the left wing is spreading terror!
• Charlie kirk’s assassin radicalized by the left
• Antifa designated as terrorists in the United States
• Should the antifa left be criminalized in Québec?
• Liberal tolerance complicit with Islam
• Establishing Catholic supremacy in Québec
• Islam and immigration: British resistance

Culture & Société (Plamondon and de Crèvecœur)

• Savagery in Sherbrooke: when the Third World arrives
• Jihadist attack in Montréal
• Street prayer and Islamic conquest
• Canada finances Hamas
• The fifth column’s demonstrations
• Lebanonization of the West
• Global Islamist offensive
• Hamas in Ottawa
• Transgender children: end the madness
• The abaya’s attack on the West
• Islam’s attack on the regions
• Trantifa attack on Montréal
• Canada adrift

From the archives :

• Series on the great replacement
• Immigration finally criticized in Canada
• Palestinian attack in Saguenay
• Jihadist attack in Chicoutimi
• Hateful diversity
• Leftist jihadism
• After Roxham: even more refugees
• Housing crisis: too many immigrants
• Totalitarian woke Canada
• Must we absolutely love Islam?
• The genetic origin of the Québécois
• The fecal left attacks the West
• Diplomatic savagery
• Migration overload and savagery
• Montréal runs wild
• Canada, an Islamic state?
• Racial war in Montréal
• The gender lobby attacks children
• Decolonialism and savagery
• Health delusions and savagery
• Canada: the country of the great replacement
• The racial question and the post-Hitler world
• The anti-white cultural revolution
• Interview with Raphaël Lévesque
• The great replacement: end the conspiracy
• Anti-white racism
• The savagery of the world
• The Christchurch appeal
• The Bissonnette trial and “Islamophobia”
• ALERT: Ethnic violence on Mount Royal

 

A worrying movement toward normalization

Despite everything that has been said and demonstrated about Cormier-Denis, he is increasingly tolerated within the institutional conservative sphere. In recent months, he has spoken with conservative influencers such as essayist Philippe Sauro Cinq Mars, contributor to L’Action nationale magazine, David Leroux, spokesperson for Québec Fier Léo Dupire, Frank Fournier of the Ian et Frank channel and columnist for Radio X, Jérôme Blanchet Gravel of Libre Média, and Radio Ville-Marie anchor Jean-Philippe Trottier, among others. The latter returned the favor by inviting him on the air at RVM. Cormier-Denis was also recently invited to appear on the podcast of conservative influencer Rémi Villemure, who previously interviewed him in September 2024.

Furthermore, for about a year now, Philippe Plamondon has had a regular segment on the Spacecast program on Québec City’s Radio X, a slot he now shares with his colleague Sébastien de Crèvecœur. Cormier-Denis himself has connections at Radio X and regularly guests on various programs.

This trend proves that the boundary between the ethnic nationalism embodied by Cormier-Denis and his acolytes and less radical conservative nationalism and libertarian conservatism is porous at best, perhaps increasingly so. This may be a sign of the inexorable shift of some conservatives to the far right.

 

The sovereintist movement at a crossroad

Cormier-Denis is disturbed to find that the younger generation of separatists is committed to inclusive values and rejects the white nationalism that he and his peers promote. We believe this is cause for celebration, but the defense is precarious, and the threat persists.

At the dawn of a new election cycle, if projections are correct, the Coalition Avenir Québec is heading for a catastrophic defeat and the Parti Québécois toward a probable victory, based on its retreat into identitarian politics and the promise of a third referendum. At a time when the far right is gaining ground everywhere, when the Trump regime is confirming its fascist proclivities south of the border, and when nationalist-populist parties are on the verge of power in several European countries, the Québec independence movement must engage in some serious soul-searching.

Will it accept that the PQ’s cynical leadership is increasingly pulling it into the realm of identitarian politics, or will it take the necessary steps to marginalize ethno-nationalism and restore to the sovereigntist option a socially inclusive, economically progressive, and ecologically revolutionary vision?

Will it rid itself once and for all of the worst reactionary tendencies that weigh it down and hamper it, or will it allow these tendencies to absorb and define the social project of an independent Québec? Will it allow ideologues like Alexandre Cormier-Denis and small groups like Nouvelle Alliance, which are following in his wake, to gain the upper hand?

It is up to the separatists to make the right choice and toss this toxic waste into the dustbin of history once and for all.

 

 

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[i]               Several of the CJN’s key figures, including its founders Roch Tousignant and François Dumas, as well as Pierre Trépanier, later collaborated or still collaborate with the newspaper Le Harfang, published by the moribund Fédération des Québécois de souche (FQS). The director of Cahiers de Jeune nation, Jean-Claude Dupuis, is a central figure in the ultra-Catholic nationalist movement close to the Fraternité sacerdotale Saint-Pie X (FSSPX). On this subject, we invite you to read the brochure Notre maître le passé—Extrême droite au Québec 1930–1998. It should be noted that the ethno-nationalist group Nouvelle Alliance has announced a conference in Trois-Rivières on October 4, 2025, with François Dumas participating.

[ii]             Adrienne Bernard is Jonathan Payeur’s most recent collaborator. Payeur is a key Atalante Québec militant, who in recent years has reinvented himself as a distributor of fascist/identitarian clothing through the Pagan Heritage project. Payeur, it should be remembered, is the vile excuse for a human being who placed a pig’s head outside of the mosque in Québec City in June 2016. Philippe Plamondon proudly wears Atalante’s colours, as well as other clothing produced in Québec City’s fascist underbelly.

[iii]             The Avant-Garde publishing house, which put out Cormier-Denis’s book, is registered under the names of Charlotte St-Michel and Simon Demers, from the Cap-Rouge neighbourhood in Québec City. The latter, a discreet figure on the far right in the Québec City region, is particularly close to the ultra-Catholic milieu linked to the Fraternité sacerdotale Saint-Pie X (FSSPX). Avant-Garde has also published the sermons of Father Olivier Berteaux of the FSSPX (the same priest who had celebrated a mass for the Atalante Québec militants on May 1, 2016), under the title La tourmente et la bagarre, and a book by Jean-Claude Dupuis, the FSSPX’s official historian and a teacher at the Sainte-Famille school in Lévis. Dupuis is also close to the Mouvement Tradition-Québec and was once closely associated with the Cercle Jeune Nation mentioned above.

Simon Demers also helped found the well-known Barbare Gym in Québec City, whose early days curiously coincided with the revelation in La Presse and Radio-Canada of the existence of a far-right Facebook group named Table Rase, with a connection to soldiers in Valcartier. . . including the owner of the Barbare Gym.

If you take a moment to compare the graphic styles of Table Rase, Éditions Avant-Garde, and the Facebook group Rixe (whose slogan is Virility. Identity. Truth.), you will see an obvious similarity, which suggests that Simon Demers is, at the very least, a common thread linking these projects.

Avant-Garde, which describes itself as a “100 percent privately owned, pro-independence, Catholic Québec publishing house,” “neither left nor right, but forward,” has a decidedly right-wing vibe. . . A failed 2016 attempt at web TV called “Reconquête TV” had exactly the same slogan, and the only video posted on YouTube is narrated by none other than Father Olivier Berteaux of the FSSPX!

Oddly enough, Biz from Loco Locass, whose real name is Sébastien Fréchette, participated in the March 2025 launch of Éditions Avant-Garde’s reissue of Frère Marie-Victorin’s Récits laurentiens.

One last note on this subject: Simon Demers was spotted at the failed march organized by Nouvelle Alliance on September 20, 2025, and a few days later Éditions Avant-Garde published a press release in support of the tiny identitarian group.