The Current Situation Of The Far Right In Québec In 2026

This text was produced by the Montréal Antifasciste Collective and printed in zine format to be distributed for a voluntary contribution at the Constellation Anarchist Festival in Montréal on May 16 and 17, 2026.

///

Contents:

• Working Definitions
• Update—a Summary to This Point…
• An Assessment of the CAQ and Nationalist Rhetoric
• Mathieu Bock-Côté and Conservative Nationalism
• Nouvelle Alliance and Company
• Elsewhere in the Cathosphere
• Alexandre Cormier-Denis and NOMOS-TV
• “Alternative” Media, Pseudo-Journalists and -Intellectuals, and Influencers
• Nazis
• Conclusion: Toward a New Anti-Fascist Consensus

 

Update—a Summary to This Point…

Three years have passed since the last report outlining the state of the far- right was released by Montréal Antifasciste in the spring of 2023. To put it mildly, the situation has not improved, either in Québec or elsewhere. For the most part, history has continued to move in the wrong direction.

On the international stage, Russia’s war of aggression is bogged down in Ukraine; the Israeli government, controlled by the country’s most fanatical elements, has carried out a genocide in full view of the entire world, taking advantage of the active complicity of the United States and the pitiful inaction of the rest of the Western world; seventy-seven million Americans re-elected a fascist pedophile rapist as president, plunging their country and the entire world into a state of chronic instability, of which the brutal Israeli-American aggression in Iran and Lebanon is merely the most recent grotesque manifestation. At the same time, the caste of technofascist oligarchs has tightened its grip on the instruments of algorithmic capitalism, including “artificial intelligence,” the consequences of which are impossible to predict.

Almost everywhere, far-right political movements have continued to gain ground, including the Rassemblement national (RN) in France, Reform UK in the United Kingdom, and the AfD in Germany. Giorgia Meloni’s “post-fascist” government is firmly in control in Italy. The chainsaw-wielding nutjob, Javier Milei, was elected on an ultra-neoliberal platform in Argentina. In India, the Hindu supremacist Narendra Modi has been in power for over a decade. And on it goes.

The far right is not on the verge of power in Canada or Québec, but its influence is nonetheless clearly felt in both the political arena and mainstream culture, including across the media landscape—notably on Radio X and in the Québecor media group—while militant “alternative” media outlets are proliferating online.

At the federal level, Pierre Poilièvre’s national-populist gambit backfired in the wake of Donald Trump’s election in the United States. The Canadian electorate opted for a safe bet by re-electing the Liberal Party, now led by a career banker presenting himself as the savior of the people in the face of the Trumpist threat. Since coming to power, however, Mark Carney has consistently confirmed the resolutely conservative nature of his government, as evidenced by the series of defectors from the Conservative Party of Canada, who delivered him a parliamentary majority. At the grassroots level, white supremacist movements are more numerous and better organized in English Canada than they have been in at least a generation, with the proliferation of “nationalist” organizations, including Diagolon, the Second Sons, and the neo-Nazi network of Active Clubs.

In 2023, we observed that small-scale far-right groups (Atalante Québec, Fédération des Québécois de souche, La Meute, Storm Alliance, Soldiers of Odin, etc.) were on the decline in Québec, but that, on the other hand—or, more precisely, because—many of the ideas put forward by the far right regarding immigration and identity were being echoed increasingly explicitly in the rhetoric of the Coalition Avenir Québec (CAQ) government and the opposition Parti Québécois (PQ), as well as in the commentary of certain media outlets. This major trend, which reflects a “cultural” consolidation of the conservative nationalist bloc—coupled with a constant and sustained demonization of progressive ideas—has not abated but has, in fact, proliferated.

Éric Duhaime’s Parti conservateur du Québec, for its part, espouses a reactionary conservatism focused primarily on dismantling public services and preserving the material privileges of a middle class preoccupied with its own narrow interests. Using “autonomist” arguments, it advances ethnic and identitarian nationalist positions, with a particularly Islamophobic bias. This is often done in the name of the secular majority, demanding that this majority’s will take precedence in the name of a democracy that tramples minority rights, using the infamous notwithstanding clause if necessary.

The visible—and completely mainstream—face of this far right is the conservative/reactionary identitarian nationalism embodied by figures like Mathieu Bock-Côté (MBC). Bock-Côté has had considerable influence with the CAQ government throughout its two terms and will likely continue to influence any potential PQ government. He and others like him flood the newspapers and television programs of the Québecor group with a steady stream of petty editorializing that blames immigration for all the ills that are objectively attributable to the decisions of the political class over the past few decades, repeating like a mantra that Québec has exceeded its “capacity to welcome” immigrants.

Immediately below the surface—on social media platforms, in podcasts, and in private chat rooms—this (putatively) civic and liberal brand of conservative nationalism takes on a more belligerent form, morphing into ethnic nationalism tinged with xenophobia, Islamophobia, anti-LGBTQ+ sentiment, anti-feminism, and increasingly explicit white supremacist views.

At the risk of repeating ourselves, it is, as a result, best not to view the far right as a monolithic bloc with clearly defined boundaries but, rather, as a heterogeneous ecosystem within which a spectrum of radicalism exists.

The chic and fashionable conservative nationalism of the carefully coiffed MBC and his followers spills over into ethnic nationalism (ethnonationalism), which almost always includes an element of “scientific racism,” leading it to feed into various forms of bona fide fascism, including, in extreme cases, neo-Nazism and accelerationist nihilism with genocidal tendencies. It is important to understand that all of these categories exist in one form or another in Québec, that there is a significant degree of overlap among them, and that it is impossible to predict the extent to which any one of them might grow at any point or the speed at which that growth might occur.

As a gateway, the “youth” organization Nouvelle Alliance (NA) now represents the identitarian nationalist/ethnic faction: an extension of the rhetoric of MBC and others like him, largely stripped of its worst verbal excesses. This does not prevent its activists from regularly pushing the limits of what is acceptable, with repeated references to “migration overload” and other euphemisms or dog whistles that implicitly echo the “great replacement” conspiracy theory. NA openly advocates for a national priority (or “preference”) based on the defense of the interests of the historical French-Canadian majority, projecting in its propaganda a retrofuturistic image of an idealized independent Québec, where this majority can impose its cultural will and, above all, its ethnodemographic dominance unchallenged. In this context, immigration is de facto presented as a threat to the survival of the French-Canadian nation.

This brings us to the “alternative news” project Nomos-TV and the online community that has formed around its main hosts. Proudly ethnonationalist and very often openly racist (see the Montréal Antifasciste article exposing the violent language used in its private forum), the Nomos project serves, in a certain sense, as a conduit between the various factions of the local far right. Its primary host, Alexandre Cormier-Denis (see the article Montréal Antifasciste dedicated to him and excerpts about him below), is undoubtedly an heir to the neofascist tradition that, since the 1970s, has worked to culturally rehabilitate historical far-right themes. This tradition adopts a so-called “metapolitical” approach, with a view to eventually seizing political power. Is it necessary to point out that this is precisely the dynamic we have been witnessing at an accelerated rate for several years now in Europe, the United States, and even here at home?

Acting as useful idiots, many public figures choose let this project profit from their renown, even inviting the hosts onto their platforms. This is particularly true of Radio X in Québec City, where Nomos-TV’s Philippe Plamondon and Sébastien de Crèvecoeur host a show, of Richard Martineau, who regularly shares their propaganda on his social media, and of Benoît Dutrizac, who has invited individuals clearly associated with the far right—including Alexandre Cormier-Denis—onto his QUB Radio show.

There is also a whole constellation of influencers, “alternative” media outlets, and lesser-known podcasters who are carving out a place for themselves in this ecosystem and constantly feeding into Islamophobic, xenophobic, and transphobic echo chambers. The combined influence of all of these actors is helping to significantly expand the far-right sphere, amplifying the voices of its most strident spokespeople, and driving this movement forward to the point where many claim they are winning the “battle of ideas” against the left.

Coming full circle, based on a cynical calculation, some politicians no longer hesitate to court the segment of the electorate that is influenced by the far right. This is particularly true of Paul Saint-Pierre Plamondon, who agreed to a Rebel News interview in April (see the relevant excerpt below). Even former members of the National Assembly and ministers from his own party secretly worry that their leader maintains “a troubling ideological closeness to Mathieu Bock-Côté,” according to Québec political analyst Michel David.

Finally, on the fringes of this toxic ecosystem, we find groups like the Frontenac Active Club, which openly espouses white supremacy and shamelessly revels in neo-Nazi ideology. The Active Clubs, like the White Lives Matter network that preceded them, as well as the entire constellation of Canadian “nationalist” groupuscules, e.g., Second Sons, Diagolon, or the Loyalist Pioneers, clearly fit into a continuum of North American neo-Nazism (see, for example, the Patriot Front). These groups combine bonehead codes (white nationalism 1) with those of the alt-right (white nationalism 2) and certain elements of European identitarianism, similar in style to the now-defunct Atalante Québec groupuscule, which was linked to the so-called “revolutionary nationalist” tradition.

The ideas and values of the far right are so widespread today that it is impossible for us to cover everything in detail. We could, for example, have discussed at length Romain Gagnon (eng.), a racist and masculinist author and the vice-president of the Sceptiques du Québec, for whom he writes articles denouncing women wearing the hijab and the alleged Islamic “ideological entryism” within the Ordre des ingénieurs du Québec. The Sceptiques du Québec’s intolerance toward trans identities is so severe that the association was expelled in 2022 from the Fédération des Initiatives pour le Développement de l’Esprit critique et du Scepticisme Scientifique.

Without necessarily labeling these groups as “far right,” one can still observe strong tensions and intolerance toward trans people and Muslim communities within the feminist collective Pour le droit des femmes (PDF) and the Réseau éducation, sexe et identité (RÉSI), for example. Nonetheless, both these groups present themselves as progressive.

As this introduction suggests, precision and distinctions matter, and as anti-fascist activists committed to convincing as many people as possible of the reality of the danger, we would not be doing ourselves any favors by oversimplifying a complex reality or by lumping all these different actors together in an unnuanced way. In our view, it is counterproductive, for example, to label a conservative nationalist a “Nazi” as a shorthand, because this does not correspond to reality and risks blunting the semantic force of both concepts, as well as undermining the impact of our actions. Therefore, we encourage our supporters to be discerning and precise when discussing the far-right ecosystem. This is part of our goal in producing this overview.

What follows serves both as an update—three years after the publication of our last report on the state of the far right—and as an overview of the current militant far right in Québec. Furthermore, this text aims to analyze the various manifestations and repercussions of far-right themes in political circles, media commentary, and the online ideological and propaganda ecosystem.

///

An Assessment of the CAQ and Nationalist Rhetoric

The shift toward identitarian politics among a segment of Québec’s political class is nothing new. As many people see it,[i] the pro-independence movement began moving in an identitarian direction immediately following the defeat of the 1995 referendum, a trend that accelerated in the 2000s with the “reasonable accommodation” crisis, stoked for electoral gains made by Mario Dumont and the Action démocratique du Québec (ADQ), and which continued with the “Québec Charter of Values” initiative led by Bernard Drainville, then a minister in the Parti Québécois government. This shift from a more civic nationalism (“anyone who lives in Québec is a Québécois”) to a primarily ethnic nationalism (“we,” the majority of French-Canadian origin, versus “them,” the minorities) was confirmed with the victory of the Coalition Avenir Québec (CAQ) and the implementation of its legislative agenda, which intentionally undermined a number of established rights and freedoms.

We have already demonstrated how the CAQ brought La Meute’s demands into government: this has been evident throughout its two terms in office, with the lowering of immigration thresholds and the manufactured panic over “integration capacity,” the demagogic insistence on the risks immigration allegedly poses to Québec’s social cohesion and identity, the introduction of new integration requirements, and the targeted discrimination against religious minorities under the guise of a distorted and grossly instrumentalized form of secularism through Bill 21, followed by Bill 94. For the government, every problem is seen to have a single cause: immigration. The housing crisis: immigration. Problems in schools: immigration. Sexism in Québec: immigration. Whatever it is: immigration. Is it any wonder that during the party leadership race Bernard Drainville openly referred to the “national preference,” a discriminatory concept lifted straight from the French far-right playbook? And then we have the ongoing neoliberal dismantling of social supports and the CAQ’s increasingly unabashed use of authoritarian tactics to impose its rancid agenda, particularly the use of the notwithstanding clause at the expense of fundamental individual rights.

Thanks to the constant manipulation of public opinion by certain mainstream media outlets (more on this later), and following the CAQ’s apparent successes in this regard, the issue of identity has become so central that it now often takes precedence over fundamental economic issues and largely determines the tone of debates and the direction of the parties as the next election cycle approaches. Québec’s political class in 2026 is caught up in a race to the bottom, namely, who will be the most nationalist and, among the nationalists, who will be the most reactionary. This debate completely overshadows a large number of issues of major importance for the future of the nation in question.

Of all the politicians involved in this race to the bottom, the leader of the Parti Québécois (PQ), Paul Saint-Pierre-Plamondon (PSPP), is perhaps the least subtle and the most irritating. He, who just a few years before taking the party’s helm was still extolling the virtues of openness and inclusion, has done a complete about-face and in his thirst for power is now openly courting the far-right vote. Why hold back from being racist if that’s the way to become the premier? For example, he knew exactly what he was doing when he granted an in-depth interview to Rebel News and, a few days later, when he answered a question from Léo Dupire, the spokesperson for Québec Fier (a close associate of the Parti conservateur du Québec), during a town hall hosted by the Centre for Israel and Jewish Affairs (CIJA), squawking about the threat that “brotherhoodism” (in reference to Egypt’s Muslim Brotherhood) poses to Québec. This delusion is straight out of the European far-right playbook, which didn’t give Le Devoir columnist and former PQ leader Jean-François Lisée a moment of pause when he echoed it shortly afterward to justify PSPP’s questionable remarks. PSPP’s recent positions and increasingly strident rhetoric betray his intention to scrape together votes from disillusioned right-wingers for whom the CAQ has not gone far enough on anti-immigration policies, Islamophobia, and all-out anti-wokeness. The PQ continues to promise a referendum on independence during its first term if elected, but one has to wonder what a sovereign Québec would look like under this leadership.

The race to succeed François Legault as leader of the CAQ made the tension within the party between its identitarian nationalist wing—embodied by Bernard Drainville—and its more moderate “autonomist” wing, which is focussed on a neoliberal economic agenda, more starkly obvious. The latter camp won the race, but it would be naive to believe that Christine Fréchette and her inner circle will cede identitarian rhetoric to the PQ during the election campaign, especially since Drainville, who, it is said, “has many supporters among the political staff,” still exercises significant influence within the party.

As for Éric Duhaime’s Parti conservateur du Québec (PCQ)—the only party that the mainstream media regularly describes as “right-wing”—it appears that after cracking down on the nationalist faction within its own ranks, it is now working to challenge the CAQ’s “autonomist” line by focussing on consolidating the support of its “libertarian” base in the Québec City region as the elections approach, rather than engaging openly in an identitarian bidding war. It is worth noting that the PCQ entered the Québec National Assembly with its April 2026 recruitment of Maïté Blanchette Vézina, a former CAQ member who defected to sit as an independent MNA.

In any case, the upcoming election cycle seems guaranteed to be an unparalleled shitshow, from which the far right is likely to emerge stronger—at the very least in terms of visibility and the hearts and minds battle being waged by its leading ideologues.

 

Mathieu Bock-Côté and Conservative Nationalism

Mathieu Bock-Côté (MBC), whose stock-in-trade has long been to slander Islam, immigration, “neo-feminists,” and transgender people, has continued his drift toward fascism, notably by publishing a new book last year (Les deux Occidents, 2025) to denounce—once again—the diabolical “diversity regime.” In it, he criticizes liberal states like France, which he compares, without a hint of irony, to the totalitarian system of the USSR—a claim he had already made in his previous book, Le totalitarisme sans le goulag (2023), but which he reiterates in his recent book with even greater vitriol and hyperbole.

He also champions the authoritarianism of Trumpism, which he claims reflects the aspirations of “real” people. As such, this pompous socialite continues to present himself as a “dissident” and tirelessly sings the same song he’s been singing for nearly thirty years: the far right simply does not exist (his critics, he claims, would be incapable of defining it) and labeling someone as such serves no other purpose than to disqualify them from the public sphere using dishonest means.

In the same vein, he defended a large xenophobic rally in Britain in September 2025 organized by the British activist Tommy Robinson, at which Éric Zemmour (who served as a mentor to MBC in the French media landscape) was invited to speak. According to MBC, none of this has anything to do with the far right, because the good people of England were simply defending their identity. He went as far as to say, “There was nothing shameful about the London demonstration. Linking it to the ‘far right’ is nothing but a smear tactic.” Yet even the media outlets he collaborates with in Québec—Journal de Montréal and TVA—and in France—CNews and Le Figaro—describe Tommy Robinson as a “far-right” activist!

To fully grasp MBC’s mindset, it is also worth recalling his defense of Nigel Farage, a British far-right politician who led the UK Independence Party (UKIP) and is now the head of Reform UK. According to Mathieu Bock-Côté, he is “a thoroughly honorable man whom it is scandalous to label as far-right; he was a major player in the long campaign for Brexit and the restoration of British sovereignty. . . . A true orator, a man of culture, witty and eloquent, a combative activist with unshakable convictions, he has succeeded in transforming the public debate.” However, the Guardian revealed in March 2026 that this “utterly honorable man” agreed to record videos in support of the actions of leaders of the Canadian white supremacist group Diagolon, including its “Road Rage Terror Tour,” and did so for pay.

While he insists on repeating that one must never, under any circumstances, associate anyone with the far right—a so-called “phantom category”—Mathieu Bock-Côté, for his part, has no qualms about regularly labeling “antifas” as “ultra-leftists” and ultra-violent (and apparently very wealthy) “psychological wrecks,” even referring to them as the “true fascists,” echoing a phrase whose profound absurdity has not prevented it from becoming a ubiquitous cliché in reactionary circles. As many others have noted before us: part of MBC’s modus operandi consists precisely in he himself doing what he constantly criticizes his opponents of doing.

Bock-Côté regularly promotes leaders of the French far right, e.g., Éric Zemmour and Marion Maréchal Le Pen (with whom he was recently spotted at a chic Paris restaurant). It’s worth noting that he is not only the darling of billionaire mass media owners but also the favorite of far-right magazines, appearing, for example, on the cover of the January 2026 issue of the magazine Éléments: Pour la civilisation européenne, founded by Alain de Benoist and described as a journal of the “Nouvelle Droite,” now closely aligned with the Nouvelle Librairie, a far-right establishment based in Paris.

MBC is also grooming the next generation of leaders, of whom Étienne-Alexandre Beauregard (ÉAB) is undoubtedly the most prominent figure after Philippe Lorange. Notably, MBC invited ÉAB to promote his book on “the collapse of Western civilization” (due to left-wing values, of course) on his show on CNews in October 2025. He also had the opportunity to be interviewed, during the same tour of France, by far-right newspapers such as Frontières and Causeur. In Québec, ÉAB also served as François Legault’s speechwriter for several years. Notably, he was recently invited by the PQ committee at Laval University to speak at a conference “on the Québec nation.”

There can be no doubt that MBC and his protégé have influenced the CAQ’s policies and that, as a result, the conservative nationalist trend represented by Bock-Côté and Beauregard—which has one foot in authoritarian liberalism and the other in the far right—has left its mark on Québec’s political culture. It is undoubtedly partly this political rift—or at least this ideological landscape—that opened the way for the emergence of Nouvelle Alliance.

 

Nouvelle Alliance and Company

Over the years, we have published a number of articles and commentaries about the identitarian nationalist groupuscule Nouvelle Alliance (NA), which also received some media attention in the spring of 2025. In May 2024, we described NA as “separatist, ultranationalist political organization” whose founding members were former members of the “now defunct” groupuscule the Front canadien-français (FCF), “a faithful emulator of Québec’s fascist ultra-Catholic circles.”

In the same article we wrote:

“a quick examination of their social media platforms . . . reveals a very large number of sympathizers (groups and individuals) identified with the far right, displaying, for example, symbols of fascism, European identitarian currents, ultranationalism or white nationalism, the alt-right, etc.”

Although it remains a presence in Québec, Nouvelle Alliance has not experienced significant growth over the past three years, and its membership appears to be more or less stable at around fifty members and close supporters. Its leadership has, however, worked very hard to develop a coherent platform and to strengthen the group’s base of support.

Once or twice a year, NA launches a recruitment campaign, which largely takes the form of putting up posters in several cities—Montréal, Québec City, Sherbrooke, Saint-Jean-sur-Richelieu, Valleyfield, etc.—mostly around CEGEPs and universities. Since anti-fascist groups have organized in opposition to NA in recent years, these posters never stay up for very long and are only useful to the organization insofar as photos of its activists “in action” can be shared online.

It should be noted that while the Montréal chapter of NA is theoretically the largest, few members actually live in the city or in downtown neighborhoods, which are very hostile toward them.

An Increasingly Unapologetic Alignment with the Right

Presented at its founding as a sort of Frankenstein’s monster of a coalition of separatists from across the political spectrum (the famous “neither right nor left but nationalist”), the organization gradually abandoned this stance, finally admitting in 2025—during François Gervais’s appearance on Alexandre Cormier-Denis’s podcast—that this was merely a façade, and that NA was in fact positioned on the far right of the political spectrum.

In the same vein, Gervais gave a very lengthy interview—in the form of a manifesto—to the magazine Le Harfang for the final issue of this propaganda organ of the now-defunct Fédération des Québécois de souche (FQS). It should be noted that this organization was founded in 2007 by neo-Nazis and later rebranded itself as an umbrella group for all factions of the far right in Québec.

Nouvelle Alliance organized a public event at the office of Société Saint-Jean Baptiste in Trois-Rivières in September 2025, featuring guest speakers David Leroux, an illiberal essayist (and avowed admirer of Carl Schmitt and Julius Evola) particularly concerned with rehabilitating the term “fascism,” and François Dumas, who in the 1990s led the Cercle Jeune Nation, a far-right think tank inspired by the French Nouvelle Droite that has served as a model for both the Fédération des Québécois de souche and the current generation of ethnonationalist fascists, key among them Alexandre Cormier-Denis. It should also be noted that Le Harfang’s Telegram channel now serves exclusively as a platform for posts from the Jeune Nation blog.

The Cult of the Leader

Future anti-fascist mobilizations need to pay attention to François Gervais’s role as the supreme leader of his organization—it was his brainchild, and he reportedly funds out of his own pocket. Several former members of Nouvelle Alliance have confided in us: it seems that a cult of the leader is taken to the extreme within NA. This is a fairly common trait for this type of group, which favours a strict hierarchy (La Meute was another example).

The Sovereigntist Cordon Sanitaire

The various factors mentioned above undoubtedly played a key role in precipitating NA’s isolation within the sovereigntist movement. Its increasingly overt far-right positions, combined with its leader’s (or, by extension, its executive committee’s) obvious ideological rigidity, as well as the efforts of anti-fascists, have led to a number of doors closing in NA’s face.

• On May 19, 2025, activists from the Nouvelle Alliance were prevented from gathering for their Journée des patriotes rally at the Dollard des Ormeaux statue in Lafontaine Park in Montréal. Beginning early in the morning, a “People’s Festival against Fascism,” organized by an ad hoc group that would soon come together under the banner of the Front antifasciste populaire, drew more than three hundred people and occupied the area all morning.
• That same afternoon, OUI Québec and the Société Saint-Jean-Baptiste informed NA that its contingent would not be welcome at the traditional parade starting at Carré Saint-Louis. The fifty or so NA members and supporters tried to join it anyway but were prevented from doing so by an impromptu anti-fascist security detail, after which they were kept at a distance by the police.
• On September 20, 2025, NA made another attempt, this time announcing a demonstration beginning at the Jeanne d’Arc statue in Québec City. To no avail, as the fifty or so activists and supporters were surrounded and besieged by approximately two hundred left-wing sovereigntists and anti-fascists. NA was blocked and never left its starting point, and its members were reluctantly forced to beat a retreat.
• On October 25, 2025, NA was again clearly excluded when OUI Québec organized a demonstration to celebrate the thirtieth anniversary of the 1995 referendum. This time, the official call to demonstrate stated: “In accordance with Québec’s fundamental values—gender equality, secularism, and civic nationalism—we affirm that individuals affiliated with ethnic nationalist, religious fundamentalist, royalist, or misogynist organizations will not be welcome at the activities or on governing bodies of the Société Saint-Jean-Baptiste de Montréal or OUI Québec.”
• The day before the demonstration, posters targeting the leadership of OUI Québec were put up around Carré Saint-Louis and signed by “La Flèche Nationale,” the one-man groupuscule of a certain Vincent Lewis, a crackpot who latched onto Nouvelle Alliance and regularly sends letters to left-wing figures revoking their Québec citizenship in anticipation of Québec’s independence. He lives in a fantasy world.

ASLN and Billy Savoie

When it moved to the far right, NA needed a “left wing” to save face and maintain its false “neither-nor” posture. In 2025, the organization began to show signs of a rapprochement with the Action socialiste de libération nationale (ASLN). This is the former Communist Party of Québec (PCQ), which been taken over in an ideological coup led by two individuals, Sébastien Paquette and the now infamous Billy Savoie, to whom we dedicated an article in October 2025. Embarking on a more or less overt shift toward National Bolshevism, these two “brown shirts” (that is the color they chose for their cringe-worthy scout uniform, adorned with a logo combining a fleur-de-lis and an AK-47 assault rifle) took control of the organization and expelled all dissenting voices. Meanwhile, a faction of the organization that remained loyal to left-wing ideals eventually coalesced around the newspaper Le Partisan québécois.

In May 2025, NA and the ASLN organized a “leaders’ debate,” at which, as it ends up, not much was actually debated, since the “leaders” found themselves in broad agreement on all the issues. Rumour spread that the two groups were considering a merger, but the merger never took place. The two groups did, however, join forces in a single contingent in several of the failed actions detailed above.

Following the publication of our report on Billy Savoie in the fall of 2025, he was suspended from his position as a high school teacher at the Centre de services scolaire du Pays-Des-Bleuets pending an investigation and lost his thesis advisor at UQAC. After briefly being reinstated, the school terminated his employment following a “repeat offense on his part,” a major setback that has not prevented him from continuing his career as a solo hate influencer on social media.

The “Traditional Catholic” Factor

We noted above the connection between NA and the Front canadien-français, which was explicitly ultra-Catholic in nature. NA has somewhat distanced itself from that image to adopt a more secular tone—at least a “Catholic-secular” in nature—but some of its members are practicing Catholics and incorporate Catholicism into their activism. This is the case, for example, with Jean-Philippe Warren, who has aligned himself with Academia Christiana, a traditionalist Catholic organization linked to the French far right. Other figures in NA’s orbit belong to this tradition, including David Leroux, who was a speaker at the September event in Trois-Rivières, attended the launch of NA’s magazine in Beoeil, and says he intends to write for coming issues of the publication. The traditionalist Catholic element remains, as such, very much present within NA.

This is also evident in social media interactions with a number of well-known figures in the ultra-Catholic community, including Nicolas Roseberry-Verreault and Philippe Letellier-Martel, activists from the media project Action Vitale—the former of whom was spotted in the NA contingent on May 19, 2025, in Montréal—as well as other individuals and groups close to the Fraternité sacerdotale Saint-Pie X (FSSPX) [Society of Pius X], e.g., Éditions Avant-Garde and its director Simon Demers. Demers notably published Cormier-Denis’s book, participated in the aborted NA demonstration in Québec City on September 20, 2025, contributes to Libre Média (see below), and is strongly suspected of being one of the organizers of the RIXE combat training club (with an online presence) in which Raphaël Lévesque of Atalante Québec participates.

Nous avons rappelé ci-dessus le lien de filiation entre NA et le Front canadien-français, lequel avait un caractère explicitement ultracatholique. NA s’est quelque peu défait de cette image pour adopter un ton plus laïc, ou du moins catho-laïque, mais certains de ses membres sont pratiquants et intègrent cette dimension à leur militance. C’est le cas par exemple de Jean-Philippe Warren, qui s’est affiché avec les couleurs de l’Academia Christiana, une organisation catholique traditionaliste rattachée à l’extrême droite française. D’autres personnages gravitant dans l’orbite de NA appartiennent à cette même tradition, dont David Leroux, qui était conférencier à l’événement de septembre à Trois-Rivières, était présent au lancement de la revue de NA à Belœil, et dit vouloir écrire pour les prochains numéros de ce journal. L’élément catholique traditionaliste est donc encore bien présent chez NA.

 

Elsewhere in the Cathosphere

The Campagne Québec Vie, led by Georges Buscemi, is an anti-abortion organization that has been active in Québec for nearly forty years and has been facing strong anti-fascist opposition since in the early 2000s. For many years, this group organized an annual anti-choice march, generally turning out only a handful of people. In 2024, the march changed its tone and rebranded as the “March for Life,” drawing its first significant turnout in Québec City. In May 2025, the second edition of this march was completely derailed by a very strong pro-choice contingent from the Québec City region, as well as by the of the sabotage of buses from Montréal at their departure point. The campaign recently organized a “Génération Vie” conference in Montréal at the Église évangélique restauration, which also hosted the American con artist and preacher Sean Feucht during his Canadian tour in July 2025.

In October 2024, in Gatineau, anonymous posters adorned with anti-abortion, homophobic, and transphobic rhetoric—presumably from a Christian group—appeared near the Brault and Taché campuses of the Université du Québec en Outaouais (UQO). The university community, alerted by the UQO Alliance Queer and the Association générale des étudiant·e·s (AGE-UQO), reacted quickly, tearing down the posters and distributing a pink sticker reading “Pas de fachos à l’UQO.” The UQO administration subsequently filed a complaint with the police. In the same region, “Stop immigration” stickers bearing the “Action française” logo appeared in April 2026.

Another place where Catholic traditionalism finds a welcoming space is in the online community that has formed around Nomos-TV.

 

Alexandre Cormier-Denis and NOMOS-TV

In September 2025, we published an article on our website about Nomos-TV and Alexandre Cormier-Denis. Although this attention came more than a bit (too) late in Nomos’s history, this ethnonationalist propaganda and training project has now become a focal point for the local anti-fascist community.

As a reminder, Nomos-TV is a web-based television channel focused on providing ongoing commentary and analysis of current events, with a particular commitment to advancing far-right ideas in the conservative nationalist sphere:

“According to its creators themselves, Nomos-TV is part of a metapolitical ‘re-information’ project, i.e., an effort to transform the dominant values within society, through what is also known as ‘culture war,’ with a view to creating conditions conducive to the exercise of power by the ultraconservative ethno-nationalist right, a subset of the far right that those most involved euphemistically refer to as the ‘national right.’”[i]

Its main hosts are Alexandre Cormier-Denis (ACD) and Philippe Plamondon, who are also co-founders of the political group Horizon Québec Actuel (2016). They are supported by a handful of collaborators, including Sébastien de Crèvecoeur, and benefit from technical infrastructure provided by Aleck Loiselle of Loiselle.solutions (which also provides services to André Pitre’s Lux Média project; see below).

As a result, up to three or four shows are produced each week, generally broadcast live either from the studio set up in the building owned by Plamondon on Saint-Urbain Street in Montréal (at least until April 2026) or, most likely, from Cormier-Denis’s home. Every Saint-Jean-Baptiste Day, Nomos organizes a live webcast titled “Saint-Jean de la Race.” The web TV’s activities are funded by subscriptions and the sale of merchandise online.

Over the years, ACD has interviewed a large number of figures from Québec’s conservative and far-right political landscape at the Nomos studio, including Raphaël Lévesque of Atalante, members of the Front Canadien-français, and, more recently, Action Vitale, which is part of the same Catholic traditionalist milieu. Léo Dupire of Québec Fier and the essayist Philippe Sauro-Cinq Mars from the same circle, David Leroux, who is close to Action Nationale, Nouvelle Alliance’s François Gervais, and a number of others have been featured on Nomos-TV. ACD has also collaborated on several occasions with the magazine Le Harfang, published by the Fédération des Québécois de souche.

In addition, ACD hosts a regular segment on the YouTube channel of the French far-right media outlet Frontières and is frequently invited to contribute to other projects that are part of the same ideological milieu. In particular, he regularly collaborates with the French white supremacist Daniel Conversano, whose special guest he was at the Paris launch of Conversano’s book on the history of anti-Black racism on April 12. During that same visit to Paris, he participated in a symposium at the Institut Iliade (Nouvelle Droite) and gave a number of interviews on various far-right digital media outlets, including Radio-Courtoisie and the channel run by media activist Vincent Lapierre.

Nomos’s entire ideological project can be summed up in a few sentences. It is imperative that we break away from the Canadian federation and achieve Québec’s independence as soon as possible (and that we do so by unilateral decree rather than through a referendum, since the democratic process carries a risk of failure). The survival of the French-Canadian “race” depends on a complete halt to non-European and non-white immigration, which is both the instrument and result of the “great replacement.” people of colour or those of immigrant backgrounds, considered inferior by default, foreign by definition, and consequently incapable of assimilating or participating in the building of the Québec nation, must be expelled en masse (through “remigration”) without delay. At the same time, we must denounce the “replacementist” multicultural liberals, “leftists,” and the “woke” individuals who are undermining our national vitality from within.

In private, it’s even worse, as we demonstrated in an article documenting our infiltration of the private chatroom for Nomos subscribers on the Telegram app. That’s where the true nature of the project is revealed most clearly. “Foreigners,” “Arabs,” “n*****s,” “subhumans,” “scum” are just a few of the charming epithets regularly found in the private “Nomasian” community discussions. Everything—absolutely everything—is interpreted and analyzed through the lens of ethnic nationalism, the “migrant invasion,” the clash of civilizations, and the inherent superiority of the French-Canadian “race.” Unsurprisingly, the vitriolic rhetoric about “degeneration,” the supposed inferior intelligence of Black people, the “monstrous” nature of trans people, and the civilizational threat of feminism is completely unrestrained and knows no bounds. This establishes Nomos-TV as a central far-right hub in Québec in 2026. Anyone who still claims otherwise is either naive or is being dishonest.

Nonetheless, when Cormier-Denis was invited to Télé-Québec in 2019, Sophie Durocher did not hesitate to come to his defense when the comedian Mehdi Bousaidan called him a racist. He has also appeared on QUB Radio, Radio X, Radio Ville-Marie, Rémi Villemure’s podcast, and several other platforms. François Fournier from the Ian & Frank channel interviewed him, as did Livre Média’s Jérôme Blanchet-Gravel. Plamondon and Sébastien de Crèvecoeur, for their part, have been hosting a regular show on Radio X for over a year. ACD was even the subject of a lengthy profile in the newspaper Urbania in October 2025, which claimed it was being “objective,” an idea ACD himself found very welcoming. It must be said that the journalist chose to conclude his report by suggesting that ACD “exposes the authoritarian temptation lurking within our democracies and, perhaps, deep within each of us.”. . . We have to give it to them; that is as close to normalizing him as you can get.

Following the April 23, 2026, action by the Front antifasciste populaire—a festive gathering in front of Plamondon’s recording studio—all these media figures, including Benoit Dutrizac, graciously gave him the opportunity to cast himself as a victim by demonizing the Front Pop’s nonviolent action as effectively an act of “terrorism.”

In short, hateful individuals like ACD are welcomed, and their views are amplified in conservative—and even so-called centrist—circles, which clearly demonstrates the extreme permeability between mainstream conservatism and the far right—a permeability facilitated by a whole range of “alternative” media outlets, influencers, and public figures who act to amplify the far-right’s message, as well as a number of complicit or complacent actors within the established mainstream media.

 

“Alternative” Media, Pseudo-Journalists and -Intellectuals, and Influencers

In recent years, a whole constellation of pseudo-media outlets has sprung up on the web in Québec, claiming to defend freedom of thought “beyond dogmas and taboos.” In reality, these outlets merely regurgitate the dogmas of the hard right—even the far right—especially regarding immigration, Islam, and transgender issues, while also attacking the progressive and radical left, lumping them all together under the catch-all category of “wokeness.”

Rebel News Québec

Rebel News Québec is a local branch of the far-right organization Rebel News (formerly Rebel Media), founded in 2015 by Canadian lawyer and activist Ezra Levant. The Québec branch was launched in April 2017; as of May 2026, it had produced 430 videos, had 27,000 subscribers, and claimed 2,700,000 views. Its main activists are Alexandra “Alexa” Lavoie, who serves as a field “reporter,” and Guillaume E. Roy, who acts as her cameraman.

On its website, the activist group describes itself as follows:

“At Rebel News Québec, we follow the facts wherever they lead—and when they run counter to the establishment’s narrative, it’s our mission to show you the other side of the story! We tackle the sociopolitical issues that will affect the lives of the Québecois(e) in the years to come, without filters or censorship.”

However, its name is misleading in two ways, as this project is neither rebellious nor is it a genuine news outlet. Initially fairly marginal and obscure, it has gained influence in recent years on social media, and even on the political scene during pro-Palestinian demonstrations, which it forcefully sought to discredit.

In April 2025, during the federal election, Rebel News activists also drew attention by disrupting the press conference following the French-language leaders’ debate, asking questions that it would be polite to call biased. For example, they asked the NDP leader what he thought of the “repeated attacks on Christians” and the “churches targeted by vandalism.” This situation led the Debates Commission to cancel the English-language debate. Radio-Canada and even the Journal de Montréal then described the group as belonging to the “far right,” as did the Press Council, which stated in a decision issued in March 2026 [#D2025-12-193] that Rebel News “does not constitute a news media outlet as defined by the Québec Press Council. The Rebel News platform can instead be described as an activist organization with ties to far-right circles.” The Journal de Montréal also reported at the time that Rebel News had received approximately $200,000 to influence the election campaign, specifically to encourage mobilization against the Liberal Party of Canada.

Rebel News Québec recently capitalized on QUB Radio’s appetite for far-right views by securing appearances on shows hosted by Benoit Dutrizac (April 16, 2025) and Richard Martineau (December 1, 2025). Pseudo-journalist Alexandra Lavoie notably claimed that she “fears those wearing keffiyehs with only their eyes visible. . ., as they often become violent.” Richard Martineau lamented that Rebel News was “the only source” reporting on Muslims praying in the streets of Montréal (April 9, 2026).

The activists at Rebel News lack even the rudiments of basic decency. To cite just one example, Alexandra Lavoie chased Liberal MP Nathalie Provost through the streets to ask her if her goal in government was to “push the agenda of the Poly-se-souvient lobby” for gun control, citing the alleged crackdown on members of the Canadian Coalition for Firearms Rights (CCFR). Unbelievably, Lavoie then accused a political aide accompanying the MP—who was raising her hand to block the camera lens—of being a “fascist.” For the record, while Nathalie Provost has certainly advocated for gun control, it should also be noted that she is one of the Polytechnique students who survived the December 6, 1989, anti-feminist shooting and still has bullet fragments in her body.

In the same spirit of “tasteless” disruption, on September 27, 2025, Lavoie and his cameraman showed up behaving disgracefully at the silent march for Nooran Rezayi, the young man murdered by the Longueuil police, clearly intent on harassing the participants. Their hysterical reaction to the anti-fascists who tried to push them back provoked a police crackdown on the grieving marchers.

The modus operandi of Rebel News’ leading members consists of “ambush journalism,” harassing their ideological opponents under the guise of freedom of the press, and then portraying themselves as victims when people push back. This tried-and-true formula (which is, incidentally, very widespread in Europe and the United States), exploiting the algorithmic appetite for sensationalist shock value, allows them both to gain popularity on social media and to collect ever-increasing donations by capitalizing on the gullibility of their base. We feel that the best approach is to keep them at a distance from our activities and mobilizations, using carefully considered tactics and strategic means to achieve that objective.

Or, son nom est doublement trompeur, car ce projet n’est ni rebelle ni un véritable média d’information. D’abord plutôt marginal et méconnu, il a gagné en influence au cours des dernières années sur les médias sociaux, et même sur la scène politique à l’occasion des manifestations propalestiniennes, qu’il cherchait activement à discréditer.

En avril 2025, lors des élections fédérales, les agitateur·trice·s de Rebel News ont aussi attiré l’attention en perturbant la conférence de presse qui suivait le débat des chefs en français, en posant des questions pour le moins orientées. Par exemple, ils ont demandé au chef du NPD ce qu’il pensait des « attaques répétées contre les chrétiens » et les « églises ciblées par du vandalisme ». Cette situation a convaincu la Commission des débats d’annuler le débat en anglais. Radio-Canada et même le Journal de Montréal ont alors qualifié le groupe comme appartenant à l’« extrême droite », à l’instar du Conseil de presse, qui a précisé dans une décision rendue en mars 2026 [#D2025-12-193] que Rebel News : « […] ne constitue pas un média d’information tel que défini par le Conseil de presse du Québec. La plateforme Rebel News peut plutôt être qualifiée d’organisation militante proche des milieux d’extrême droite ». Le Journal de Montréal avait aussi rapporté, à cette occasion, que Rebel News avait reçu environ 200 000 $ pour influencer la campagne électorale, en particulier pour encourager la mobilisation contre le Parti libéral du Canada.

Rebel News Québec a récemment profité de l’appétit des animateurs de Qub Radio pour les opinions d’extrême droite en se faisant inviter par Benoit Dutrizac (par exemple, le 16 avril 2025) ou encore par Richard Martineau (le 1^er décembre 2025). La pseudo-journaliste Alexandra Lavoie a notamment pu y affirmer qu’elle « redoute ceux avec des keffiehs où on ne voit que les yeux […], souvent ils deviennent violents ». Richard Martineau s’est ainsi désolé que Rebel News soient « les seuls » à parler des prières de musulman·e·s dans les rues de Montréal (9 avril 2026).

Les activistes de Rebel News manquent aussi cruellement de décence élémentaire. Pour ne citer qu’un exemple, Alexandra Lavoie a notamment poursuivi dans les rues la députée libérale Nathalie Provost pour lui demander si son objectif au gouvernement était de « pousser l’agenda du lobby Poly-se-souvient » pour le contrôle des armes à feu, évoquant la prétendue répression contre les membres de la Canadian Coalition for Firearms Rights (CCFR). Sans rire, Lavoie a alors accusé de « fascisme » un attaché politique accompagnant la députée qui levait la main pour cacher la lentille de la caméra. Pour mémoire, Nathalie Provost a certes milité pour le contrôle des armes à feu, mais il faut aussi noter qu’elle est elle-même l’une des étudiantes de Polytechnique ayant survécu aux tirs du tueur de l’attentat antiféministe du 6 décembre 1989 et qu’elle porte encore du plomb dans son corps.

Dans le même esprit d’agitation « avec pas d’classe », le 27 septembre 2025, Lavoie et son caméraman se sont disgracieusement pointé·e·s à la marche silencieuse pour Nooran Rezayi, le jeune homme assassiné par la police de Longueuil, visiblement dans le but d’en harceler les participant·e·s. Leur réaction délirante face aux antifascistes qui ont tenté de les repousser a provoqué une escalade policière contre la foule endeuillée.

Le modus operandi des têtes de Rebel News consiste ainsi à pratiquer un « journalisme d’embuscade », à harceler leurs opposantes idéologiques sous couvert de liberté de presse, et se poser ensuite en victimes lorsqu’elles sont repoussées. Cette formule éprouvée (d’ailleurs très répandue en Europe et aux États-Unis), exploitant l’appétit des algorithmes pour les chocs sensationnalistes, leur permet à la fois de gagner en popularité dans les médias sociaux et de recueillir toujours plus de dons en tirant profit de la crédulité de leur base. Nous restons de l’avis que la meilleure approche reste de les éloigner de nos activités et mobilisations, mais par des moyens tactiques et stratégiques réfléchis en conséquence.

Libre Média

This news outlet, founded in 2022, describes itself as “Francophone, free, and independent.” It currently has nearly 40,000 followers on Facebook and more than 25,000 on X. Since 2023, its editor-in-chief has been Jérôme Blanchet-Gravel, a conservative columnist and polemicist, author of a book-length essay titled La face cachée du multiculturalisme (2018), and contributor to the far-right French magazine Causeur, who has become known in particular for his frequent misogynist and anti-progressive outbursts. Blanchet-Gravel is backed by an editorial board featuring a fine array of shady characters. Anne-Laure Bonnel, in particular, who produces pro-Russia propaganda—and generally serves Russia’s interests—gained notoriety by spreading false information on CNews (the French TV channel where Mathieu Bock-Côté regularly rants) regarding alleged massacres of civilians by Ukrainian forces. Another Frenchman on the editorial board, Alexis Brunet, has contributed and continues to contribute to French media outlets, including Michel Onfray’s Front Populaire and Causeur, which published an enthusiastic review of his first novel, Grossophobie, in which he attacks “wokism.” Francis Denis, for his part, is the director of the documentary Omerta scolaire (2025), co-produced by Libre Média and the Legal Center for Constitutional Freedoms and dedicated to protests against trans identities in schools. The president of the latter organization, attorney John Carpay, compared the rainbow flag to the Nazi flag during a conference organized by Rebel News and was disbarred in Manitoba for following and filming a judge during the COVID-19 health crisis. It should be noted that Francis Denis was also invited onto Nomos-TV by Alexandre Cormier-Denis to discuss his film when it was released. Philippe Labrecque, a highly educated scholar and author of Comprendre le conservatisme en 14 entretiens (Liber Publishing, 2016), also serves on the editorial board of Libre Média and writes articles in which he expresses concern about the “demographic, linguistic, and political drowning of Québec,” as well as lambasting “wokism.”

Libre Média’s preferred topics leave little doubt as to the political values of its hosts. Take, for example, an article about teacher Amanda Kakihi, who claims that “staring and inappropriate glances” on the street “always come from men from certain cultural communities.” It is worth noting that on the very day this article was published (May 8, 2026), Richard Martineau invited her to discuss this very issue on his QUB Radio show. The concern here is that “Québec is dooming itself to extinction” due to its declining birth rate, always pointing the finger at Muslim immigration whenever the topics of masculinism, homophobia, and transphobia in Québec arise—all while simultaneously defending anti-LGBTQ+ activists.

Indocile média

Indocile média, for its part, is a bit unusual. While it presents itself as a “media outlet,” it is in fact nothing more than a magnifying mirror reflecting the narcissism of Julien Garon-Carrier, the founder and, most importantly, sole (!) contributor. This individual’s ego is so outsized that it wouldn’t fit on a single social media page, so he had to create a “media outlet” just for himself. Claiming to offer “free and uncompromising news,” Julien Garon-Carrier does nothing but regurgitate the usual right-wing and the far-right platitudes: subsidized “mass immigration” is going to “replace us,” society is being feminized, and the “woke virus” threatens to destroy everything. Garon-Carrier also takes offense at the alleged violence of the far left, trans activism, and, of course, the “antifas” (all while quoting George Orwell, no doubt forgetting that he was a socialist and. . . an anti-fascist). Although he has very few followers on social media, his product placement strategy—featuring himself—seems to be working fairly well, as this platform has given him enough visibility to be invited onto Benoît Dutrizac’s show on QUB Radio. This allowed him a wider audience for his criticisms of the Fédération autonome de l’enseignement (FAE) report, which documents the resurgence of sexism, homophobia, and transphobia in schools.

As we recently revealed (see “Nomos-TV’s Private Chat Room: A Look Inside Alexandre Cormier-Denis and His Acolytes’ Racist Safe Space”), Garon-Carrier is one of the most active members of Nomos’s private forum, where he candidly discusses his media strategies with other members who use explicitly racist pseudonyms. There, for example, he rejoiced at having had “two or three moments of camaraderie” with Dutrizac and at having “at least been able to take a swipe at the university and leftist social sciences.” In private, however, he lets loose, bragging that “the day we can deport the foreigners and immigrants, I’ll volunteer to contribute to the national effort.” He also boasts of offering “political intelligence services,” explaining that he uses a chatbot to merge government and municipal files with media articles, then has it generate a 120-word email that he sends “to the potential client.” Almost as clever as James Bond this Julien Garon-Carrier.

Québec Fier (Léo Dupire)

Québec Fier is a “libertarian”-oriented conservative advocacy group that Radio-Canada describes as a “content factory” for the Parti conservateur du Québec. It is primarily active on social media, particularly on Facebook, where its page has nearly 240,000 followers. One of the slogans on its website’s homepage is “A Québec PROUD of its origins, its language, its culture, and its traditions,” which clearly anchors it in the conservative—and even reactionary—current of Québec nationalism. Its “mission” is to oppose the state, which “stifles private enterprise,” “union corporatism,” and the “environmental lobby.” The “Impliquez-vous” section presents a hodgepodge of causes to champion, including gasoline-powered cars, the right of an “honest citizen” to defend “his family against an intruder” without risking jail time, the abolition of the carbon tax, and, of course, freedom of speech. It also opposes the federal government for transferring “our tax money to Hamas jihadists,” immigration, which must be reduced “immediately,” and, finally, the intrusion of male athletes (read: trans women) into women’s sports. The group is led by Léo Dupire, who also contributes to Libre Média, where he writes articles against immigration and the “Montréal jihadists,” trans women (whom he refers to as “trans men”), and women who practice medicine thanks to the “positive discrimination that weakens our society.”

Stu Pitt and Lux Média

Lux Média (formerly Stu Dio) is the project of André Pitre, aka “Stu Pitt,” and his cronies, including the obnoxious Yann Roshdy. It collaborates with Nomos-TV and has hosted their despicable “Saint-Jean de la Race” in its studio at least twice. Maxime Bernier, of the (not very popular) Parti populaire du Canada, has been a guest, along with a whole host of figures more or less associated with the conspiracy theory milieu and the far right. Once a propaganda outlet for La Meute, the project now serves as a megaphone to amplify not only far-right ideas but also the entire modern repertoire of conspiracy theory fantasies. It is worth noting that Lux Media counts among its contributors Jean-François Gariepy, an extremely creepy alt-right white nationalist, who it has been proven was funded by Jeffrey Epstein, and who is strongly suspected of being involved in the unsolved disappearance of his former partner.

A Couple of Far-Right Intellectuals

David Leroux is a low-profile influencer within the identitarian nationalist movement. He aligns himself with the same ideological current as Nomos-TV (to whose private chat room he is, incidentally, still subscribed) and draws on the same intellectual influences, including Carl Schmitt and the Nouvelle Droite. He published an essay in 2018 in the journal L’Action nationale, with which he currently collaborates. A traditionalist Catholic, he draws upon the fascist intellectual Julius Evola’s “rejection of modernity,” advocates for a form of “illiberal democracy,” and wishes to see Québec nationalism redefined along ethnic and identitarian lines. Mathieu Bock-Côté praised Leroux in a 2020 column, and Leroux was interviewed at length by Alexandre Cormier-Denis in 2025. Over the past year, Leroux has grown closer to Nouvelle Alliance, notably contributing to the groupuscule’s journal Le Franc-Renard, suggesting that his influence will soon be felt within NA.

Philippe Sauro-Cinq-Mars is another intellectual influencer in the aggressively anti-progressive nationalist sphere. As well as being interviewed by Nomos-TV in June 2025, he has connections in the mainstream media, notably at 99.5 (QUB Radio), and is a Libre Média columnist.

The Marginal Parties

As far as political parties are concerned, the picture is not a pretty one for right-wingers.

The Parti patriote (federal) led by Donald Proulx and Carl Brochu was disbanded in 2022 for failing to submit an expense report to the chief electoral officer.

The l’Union nationale (provincial) led by the flamboyant Jonathan Blanchette (aka “Jo L’Indigo”) is also on the verge of being disbanded, as its leader has been fined nearly $120,000 for producing false receipts, leading to the freezing of the party’s funds.

The Parti nationaliste chrétien (PNC), led by neo-Nazi Sylvain Marcoux, has never managed to gain official recognition, as Élections Québec determined that the party existed only to incite hatred.

This review also gave us the opportunity to learn about the existence of the Parti libertarien du Québec (registered in 2022), which has apparently been led by the aforementioned Yann Roshdy since September 2025, and whose official representative is Charles Olivier, a crackpot from Saguenay.

At the municipal level, the Action Montréal party is led by Gilbert Bilodeau, a longtime contributor to Lux Média, where he hosted the program “Le Candidat” for a number of years. In the November 2025 municipal elections, he managed to come in third with 10.16 percent of the vote.

A Panoply of Influencers, Crackpots, and Misfits

The Québec fachosphere, which operates mainly on social media, includes so many figures—a lot of them full-on crazy—that it would be impossible for us to name them all. A small sample follows.

Éloïse Boies is the host of the podcast “Élo Veut savoir,” one of the many “alternative media” outlets that emerged from Québec’s conspiracy theory milieu during and after the COVID-19 pandemic. She is, however, among those who have managed to professionalize their work and reach a wider audience. Her Facebook page now has 63,000 followers. Under the guise of genuine intellectual curiosity, she maintains a hard line anti-woke and transphobic stance and regularly hosts guests associated with the far-right, typically with a “conspiratorial” slant. Éloïse Boies was interviewed by Nomos-TV in July 2025.

Matt Tremblay (pseudonym) is a new figure in Québec’s far-right scene. He emerged in recent months on social media, particularly on Facebook and TikTok, where he has been posting a steady stream of videos that include reactionary commentary. Among other things, he echoes the anti-immigration themes of the most extreme elements of the fascist-leaning “identitarian” movement, including Nomos-TV. He recently helped found a new far-right youth organization, the Corporation du Front National, which describes itself as “a corporation dedicated to advancing nationalist interests through the strategic development of products, the creation of nationalist factory-communities, and the deployment of our advanced operational capabilities to support and empower groups and organizations aligned with nationalist interests.” On May 3, he announced that he had been visited by the RCMP, reportedly to tell him to “watch what he says.” It’s worth noting that Julien Garon-Carrier of Indocile Média more or less endorsed this initiative in Nomos’s private chat room, stating that he was in contact with the project’s initiators.

Mandana Javan is a “pro-secularism” nationalist and Islamophobic activist of Iranian origin who has become a prominent public figure over the past year, as a result of organizing a series of protests “against street prayer” in front of Notre-Dame Basilica. She is also a rabid Zionist and appeared draped in an Israeli flag at demonstrations supporting the Israeli-American war of aggression against Iran. In her constant search for attention, she announced on Twitter in December 2025 that she had submitted the paperwork necessary to become a Parti Québécois candidate (in the Taillon riding), for which she is actively campaigning; at the time of writing, it remains unclear whether the PQ will dare to risk taking her on. Mandana Javan is a regular guest on QUB Radio.

Annie-Ève Collin is a teacher at Collège Ahuntsic and an anti-trans feminist activist who has gained significant prominence in conservative and conspiracy-theory circles in recent years. She is an activist with the secularist and transphobic feminist organization PDF Québec and has been invited onto QUB Radio several times, notably on shows hosted by Benoît Dutrizac and Sophie Durocher.

Yves Claudé is a former CÉGEP sociology professor whose book on the skinhead movement in Québec garnered some critical acclaim in the 1990s, including within left-wing circles. He was also active on the fringes of the Ligue antifasciste de Montréal (LAM). For several years, he wrote from a decidedly left-wing perspective for l’Aut’journal and Presse-toi à gauche. He has since become a mouthpiece for local far-right political groups and organizations (La Meute, Front patriotique du Québec, etc.) and, more recently, French ones, compulsively sharing posts on his social media from the Rassemblement national, Reconquête! (Éric Zemmour’s far-right party), and the far-right media outlet Frontières. Like a good little Orwellian foot soldier, he loves to wield the most absurd newspeak and relishes twisting facts. Thus, anti-fascists become the “new post-modern fascists,” hyper-violent, allies of the Islamist militias allegedly infiltrating political and social movements to promote the “great replacement.” Although he doesn’t enjoy much popularity or a large audience, these bitter and compulsive posts are often shared by other figures in the far-right milieu and are sometimes even by particular media personalities. Yves Claudé’s life story is sadly symptomatic of a certain nationalist left whose paranoid fear of Islam and outdated patriotism have driven it into the arms of the far right.

“Roxanne Labanane” (Roxanne Gareau) is an influencer and podcaster who uses relentless sarcasm to promote transphobic and anti-progressive ideas, usually in crass, lowbrow, flash-in-the-pan videos. Nonetheless, she contributes to the far-right echo chamber with her podcast Grille Neurones, where she has hosted, among others, Alexandra Lavoie of Rebel News.

Requiem for the Farfadaas— the Farfadaas movement, led by Steve “l’Artiss” Charland, a former La Meute lieutenant, made headlines in 2021 and received significant media attention in 2022 during the so-called “Freedom Convoy” movement. Accused of misconduct during that mobilization, Charland received a six-month suspended sentence in May 2025. By late 2023, Charland was being accused of cult-like leadership by some Farfadaas members, who walked away, and the group went in decline, only to be eventually dissolved and not heard from again. To our knowledge, its former members are not currently involved in any far-right group activities, but we still need to keep an eye on this small circle.

The Mainstream Media

As we have seen throughout this overview, some mainstream media outlets have a genuine “fascism problem.” This is certainly the case for Radio X, as well as for QUB Radio (99.5), whose star hosts (Benoît Dutrizac, Richard Martineau, Sophie Durocher, etc.) regularly host many of the figures discussed in this document. As for the Journal de Montréal, it features a fair number of columnists (Bock-Côté, Joseph Facal, Richard Martineau, Sophie Durocher, Nathalie Elgrably-Lévy, etc.), who constantly harp on the usual reactionary obsessions, including anti-wokism.

Jacinthe-Ève Arel is a former CAQ member who ran for the PCQ in 2022. She has become a media figure regularly called upon to comment on current events from the perspective of the “libertarian” conservative right, particularly on Radio-Canada. Since February 2025, she has hosted her own show on 99.5 (QUB Radio), where she serves as a mouthpiece for the “economic right” and Éric Duhaime’s PCQ. She also co-hosts a weekend show with Rémi Villemure.

Christian Rioux—as the sole Paris correspondent for the Le Devoir newspaper, Christian Rioux spent years promoting the ideas of the French far right, including virulent Islamophobia and vicious criticism of “mass immigration”—which he portrayed as a “migrant flood”—and attacks on feminists and trans people, as well as denouncing “anti-fascist theater.” He was finally let go in December 2025, only to be immediately hired by the Journal de Montréal, where he published his first column in February 2026 . . . against halal food! You can take alook at the quality of his excessively repetitive and predictable columns here.

Despite Rioux’s departure, Le Devoir remains a leading voice in anti-woke commentary, notably through the writings of Patrick Moreau (a teacher in Ahuntsic and contributor to QUB Radio) and the PQ’s perennial éminence grise Jean-François Lisée, who also serves as a commentator and analyst on Radio-Canada’s “Mordus de politique.”

 

The Nazis

Frontenac Active Club (FAC)

The main neo-Nazi group in Québec—or at least the most visible—is the Frontenac Active Club (FAC), whose figurehead and leading militant is Shawn Beauvais MacDonald. This white supremacist groupuscule—a local chapter of the international Active Clubs network—never seemed to fully recover from the publication of our August 2024 report. Original posts on the group’s Telegram channel have become increasingly rare, with the few remaining posts consisting solely of reposts from other neo-Nazi accounts and channels (including Pagan Heritage, see below). The publication last March of an article by freelance journalist Rachel Gilmore on The Tyee website exposing former Olympian Giulio Zardo as a member of the Frontenac Active Club, who had made the gym where he was employed available to the group, certainly didn’t help the project’s cohesion, nor does the mental instability of its leader, who is regularly spotted around town dressed in Nazi clothing, hurling insults at people of color, and who had the brilliant idea of publicly intimidating Rachel Gilmore after her article was published. We continue to monitor the FAC and We continue to monitor the FAC and Beauvais MacDonald, but it appears that this project has stagnated and shows little sign of life.

Pagan Heritage

After the neo-fascist group Atalante Québec (which we have covered extensively on our website) effectively ceased to exist around 2023—a process brought about by the COVID-19 pandemic, internal strife, and relentless attacks by anti-fascists—we lost track of most of its members. Only Jonathan Payeur, leader Raphaël Lévesque’s former lieutenant, remains on our radar. Under the name Pagan Heritage, he launched a small clothing printing company in 2025, and more recently began gathering together a few boneheads to carry out typical far-right activities: boxing training, leafleting, pagan ceremonies inspired by Viking folklore, etc. Based in the Québec City area, they maintain clear ties with Shawn Beauvais MacDonald and, by extension, Montréal’ Frontenac Active Club.

Jonathan Payeur is in a relationship with Adrienne Bernard, a tattoo artist and screen printer from Leclercville, who, it’s worth noting, prints the Nomos-TV rag. Speaking of Leclercville, it was in the rectory of this small town in Lotbinière that Jo Payeur organized an event last March aimed at “kicking off a new year of Pagan Heritage activities.” A group to watch.

An Uptick in Graffiti in Hochelaga-Maisonneuve

In the winter of 2026, dozens of white supremacist symbols (swastikas, Celtic crosses, etc.) and Islamophobic, antisemitic, and anti-migrant slogans appeared on walls in Montréal’s Hochelaga-Maisonneuve neighborhood. The reaction was swift, with activists from the Front antifasciste populaire and other local grassroots initiatives quickly removing them whenever they appeared. Some of this hateful graffiti is believed to have been created by three neighborhood residents in their twenties, who were spotted by passersby. One of them is reportedly Olivier Brisson, an aspiring MAGA rapper in the orbit of the Islamophobic influencer Mandana Javan. This is proof that history repeats itself and vigilance must never cease, even in a historic stronghold of the anti-fascist left like Hochelaga-Maisonneuve.

Youth and Nazi Salutes at School

A recent study on sexist, homophobic, and transphobic students reported that students are giving Nazi salutes at school with alarming frequency. The media documented this phenomenon in 2023 at Les Chutes School in Rawdon, where six students stood up on their chairs in the middle of class to perform the Hitler salute while singing “Erika,” the famous SS military march. The testimony in the study is shocking, to say the least: the students involved are reportedly “always young white men, mostly prior to tenth grade—when the Holocaust is covered in greater detail in history classes—who are on a sports team or in the Cadets [a National Defense program for ages twelve and up] or who are part of a predominantly male social circle. The school does absolutely nothing” (testimony from the Montérégie region). It is obviously difficult to know if these students actually identify with Hitler and Nazism or are merely acting out to be provocative, but according to a teacher who participated in the research, “groups of students . . . are fans of Hitler, and they do Nazi salutes and draw swastikas; they even find Nazi songs from that era and sing them in the hallway.”

According to another account: “Yes, there are students who openly give the Nazi salute. Who are they? Young white boys, more or less popular, gamers. These kids follow masculinist accounts on social media. Examples? When a ‘person of color’ who is ‘popular’ walks past a small group of white boys and makes a joke to tease them, one of the white boys might give a Nazi salute behind their back. . . . A number of swastikas have been drawn on classroom walls, desks, and lockers. One student drew a swastika on the locker of a young Black student.” In 2024, the media also reported that teenagers in Rimouski had posted photos or themselves giving the Nazi salute on social media.

The Atomwaffen Division in Canada and Québec

A trial in Ontario concluded in March 2026 with a twenty-year prison sentence for Matthew Althorpe, 30, who pleaded guilty to three counts of terrorism committed in Ontario and Québec from 2018 and 2022. Althorpe allegedly “facilitated a terrorist activity, advised third parties to commit an attack, and committed an offense for the benefit of a terrorist group,” namely the US-based group the Atomwaffen Division, which Canada designated as a “terrorist organization” in 2021. He also produced and distributed hateful propaganda texts and videos, including for recruitment purposes. His accomplice, Kristoffer Nippak, 32, is still on trial at the time of this writing. The prosecution links him to Active Club Canada and identifies him in photos showing an individual with his face concealed under a skull-and-crossbones mask performing a Nazi salute next to a portrait of Adolf Hitler.

In September 2025, a third man, Patrick Gordon Macdonald, was also sentenced in Ottawa to ten years in prison for activities linked to Division Atomwaffen.

In Québec City, another trial began in February 2026: a sixteen-year-old is accused of spreading propaganda for the Atomwaffen Division. The teenager identified with the Kernatium Division, an antisemitic and xenophobic group that posts anti-immigration messages such as “your invasion of our country will fail.” At the time of writing, the trial is still ongoing.

As for the Montréal neo-Nazi Gabriel Sohier Chaput, alias “Zeiger”—about whom we published a comprehensive report in November 2020—his appeal of his guilty verdict for incitement of hatred was heard in Montréal on May 6. Let’s hope that if he is granted a new trial, it will be conducted more competently than the first one.

 

Conclusion: Toward a New Anti-Fascist Consensus

As we constantly repeat: the only real defense against the rise of the far right is solidarity, grassroots mobilization, and the strengthening of the movement for freedom on all fronts.

The main objective of a project like Montréal Antifasciste is providing information. When necessary over the years, we have also actively contributed to mobilizations and other interventions against the most overt far-right manifestations.

However, once the movement goes mainstream, these tactics are no longer sufficient. The entire progressive movement—whether radical or not—must organize to reaffirm, and if necessary redefine, the anti-fascist consensus and put it into practice at a grassroots level. This is precisely the mission of the Front antifasciste populaire (Front Pop), founded in 2025.

We will soon know what the main themes of the upcoming election cycle will be, and it isn’t looking good. The Liberal Party will spew their usual liberal and superficially progressive rhetoric, the CAQ and the PQ will vie for dominance in the nationalist camp, and the PCQ is poised to make significant gains by capitalizing on the hyper-individualistic ethos that has made it so successful in the Québec City suburbs. As for QS, a progressive party founded on a compromise it never strays from, we can only hope that it will pull itself together and adopt a combative stance, but, at this point, there is nothing to indicate that a shift of that sort is in the offing

Regardless of how the electoral process unfolds, our mission remains the same: to block the rise of fascism and the far right and to stand against all those who pave the way for them through complacency or complicity—every day and by any means necessary.

In the struggle that lies ahead, we must demonstrate moral clarity and never lose sight of the horizon of our most radical hopes. For example, we must remember—and constantly remind those around us—that hatred is never acceptable and must be fought wherever it rears its ugly head.

Finally, in an international context where the very notion of “antifa” is demonized by the scum of the earth, never, ever ask for permission to be anti-fascist, here and now.

///

 

---

[1]               See, in particular, Francine Pelletier, Au Québec, c’est comme ça qu’on vit, Montréal, Lux, 2023.

[2]            Nomos falls within the tradition of the French Nouvelle Droite, which, ironically, draws inspiration from the teachings of the Italian communist and anti-fascist theorist Antonio Gramsci.